Jul 2026· Frontiers in Political Science· Vol 8· 0 citations· 6 references
Abstract
Frontline democracies are presently confronted with a significant problem between the universal moral imperatives of humanitarian law and the urgent, existential demands of national security. This article examines the operation of democratic accountability in high-intensity conflict by analyzing the differing reactions of Lithuania and Ukraine to the Ottawa Convention after the full-scale Russian invasion in February 2022. This research employs a qualitative comparative case study strategy grounded in the most-similar systems concept, integrating the institutional paradigm with E. de Vattel’s classical law of nations doctrine and Ch. Hyde’s principle of good faith about state responsibility. These frameworks offer a comprehensive analytical perspective to assess the significant and intentional constraints imposed on the use of coercive force within a democratic government. The analysis indicates a notable divergence in legal strategic adaptations: Lithuania adhered to a legally conventional approach of formal withdrawal to reintroduce anti-personnel mines for strategic deterrence, whereas Ukraine opted for a necessity-driven temporary suspension of humanitarian law obligations while technically preserving its formal status as a State Party. This comparison illustrates that differing institutional contexts – specifically NATO and EU membership compared to active, full-scale warfare – profoundly alter the principle of good faith and the practical implementation of domestic accountability measures. This article concludes that maintaining rigorous democratic oversight in military decision-making is not only possible but essential even during a state of emergency. It ultimately reinforces the vital necessity of stringent persistent societal scrutiny to prevent the degradation of democratic norms during prolonged crises, ensuring that state survival remains anchored in a steadfast commitment to civilian protection.
Objectives: This study critically examines the political and legal dimensions of the 2023 Jordanian Cybercrime Law, with a focus on its effects on fundamental public freedoms, including freedom of expression, digital rights, and civic engagement.
Methods: Utilizing a qualitative analytical framework, the study conducts...
M. B. Bani Salameh, M. Obeidat· Dirasat Human and Social Sci...· 0 citations
This article compares the explanatory power of neorealism and neoliberalism in accounting for variations in the effectiveness of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in the post-Cold War period. It employs a qualitative comparative design and process tracing across four cases: the 1990 invasion of Kuwait, the Syr...
Agustinus Santiago Eca Fernandes· East Asian Journal of Multid...· 0 citations
In international relations theory, structural realism postulates that states operate in an anarchic system where self-help and survival represent the supreme imperatives. This article reassesses the strategic utility of landmines on NATO’s Eastern Flank and in the high-intensity conflict in Ukraine (2024–2026). It chal...
Constantin Andrei· Bulletin of "Carol I" Nation...· 0 citations
In a context marked by democratic backsliding worldwide and the additional pressures that hybrid warfare linked with the war in Ukraine places on democratic governance in European states, the foundations of military subordination to civilian authority warrant renewed scrutiny. Such strains can put pressure on defining...
The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 (the Fourth Geneva Convention) provides the principal legal framework for the protection of civilians in under the military occupation. This paper argues that Israel’s conduct in the Occupied Palestinian Territo...
B. Tatár· Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fa...· 0 citations
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