Liquid democracy permits voters to vote directly or delegate their votes to others. Existing algorithmic analyses assign each voter a single scalar parameter, interpreted as an independent probability of voting for the ground truth. This representation is inadequate when delegation is fixed before public information changes different voters'reliability in different ways. In this work, we study a minimal common-signal model of this phenomenon. Delegation occurs before a public binary signal is realised, while voting occurs afterwards. Conditional on the signal, sink votes are independent, and each voter has a signal-specific competence; marginally, correctness events are correlated through the common signal. We show that delegation based on average competence is not a safe scalarisation: it can violate do-no-harm, and a beneficial delegation rule may send votes to voters with lower average competence. We present and analyse three novel delegation mechanisms for this setting. The first is a conservative intersection mechanism that delegates only to neighbours whose competence exceeds the delegator's by a prescribed margin in every signal state; the conservative intersection mechanism inherits all the guarantees of delegation in the scalar competence setting. The next mechanism is a confounded-set mechanism that enable the delegation to neighbours who are favoured in one state and worse by at most a prescribed tolerance in the other. For this mechanism, we prove expected-margin bounds, and identify the weight-dispersion and mechanism-concentration conditions needed to obtain majority-correctness guarantees. Finally, on bounded-in-degree graphs, a multi-round certified-path mechanism propagates nonnegative two-dimensional path certificates; it is acyclic, yields statewise terminal competence improvement, and gives uniform bounds on path length and terminal voting weight.
Online communities often treat large support margins in public elections as strong mandates. We argue that such margins can overstate the independent scrutiny behind a decision. Using 198,275 free-text rationales from Wikipedia admin elections, we introduce vote-text divergence, a measure that flags a decisive vote pai...
Why do voters reject constitutional proposals drafted by conventions they themselves elected? We study a two-stage constitutional process in which voters first elect a legislator to draft a new constitution and subsequently approve or reject it in a referendum. The model highlights how imperfect electoral signals gener...
Álvaro Bustos, Nuno Garoupa· Journal of Theoretical Polit...· 0 citations
Why do political parties polarise when most voters remain in the centre? Moving beyond conventional point-based models, we address this classic puzzle by developing a spatial voting framework that conceptualises political parties as continuous ideological distributions. Operating under endogenous turnout, these parties...
Majoritarian democracy is widely regarded as the canonical procedure for converting heterogeneous individual preferences into collective decisions, yet its welfare properties are far more fragile than legal and political theorists suggest. This paper contributes to the literature on the limits of majoritarianism by a...
Barbara Luppi, F. Parisi· Public Choice· 0 citations
Confidence in the conduct and results of American elections has declined and polarized along party lines in recent years. Can a nonpartisan public information campaign featuring election officials enhance trust in elections when delivered to skeptical voters during a contentious political contest? We analyze a preregis...
Thad Kousser, Seth J. Hill, Neil Malhotra et al.· Science Advances· 0 citations
A class of approval-based preference profiles, inspired by delegation graphs in liquid democracy and the transitivity of trust therein, are introduced, showing promise for applications to real-world peer selection problems via transitive delegations.
Davide Grossi, Grzegorz Lisowski, Georgios Papasotiropoulos· 1 citation
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