State-backed influence operations are routinely measured as high-prevalence sources of ``hate''and ``toxicity.''We argue those rates rest on a measurement error: the detectors behind them are validated to catch a broader definition inclusive of hostility or divisiveness aimed at an out-group, and so over-attribute hate to content better described as partisan or geopolitical invective. Across 25.08M tweets from seven government-attributed campaigns in the Twitter Information Operations archive (8,275 accounts), we separate hate from the other forms of divisiveness. We first validate a two-prompt LLM-based detector, matching human labels at Cohen's $\kappa=0.82$, to identify the broader hostility; we then develop an auditable rule, agreeing with an expert at $\kappa=0.52$, to further classify this content (5,457 posts) into three sub-categories. About 50.1% are identity-based attacks on people, whereas 30.4% are partisan attacks and 19.5% invective against states and their foreign policy. Reporting all of it as hate therefore overstates hate roughly twofold; only 18.7% is both identity-based and dehumanizing or inciting. Six of seven campaigns sort into three regimes that a single ``hate''rate flattens, namely identity hate (RU-op and IRA, both Russia-attributed), geopolitical invective (both Iran operations), and partisan divisiveness (both Venezuela operations). We call the shared product $manufactured divisiveness$. The line to separate these constructs itself remains unsettled: on the hardest cases three independent human experts agree only moderately (pairwise $\kappa=0.37$--$0.50$), and the best of nineteen LLM models tops out at $\kappa=0.601$ against the experts'majority. Our findings can help redefine the study of hate in the context of influence campaigns and broader online discourse.
Memes have become a routine infrastructure of political talk across platforms, blending humor, affect, and compressed commentary. Yet scholarship often alternates between strong causal claims and descriptive accounts, leaving open what can be predicted—reliably and with well-calibrated probabilities—from lightweight su...
Carlos Humberto Hidalgo Menjívar, Carlos Alberto Echeverría Mayorga· Online Journal of Communicat...· 0 citations
Political polarization is increasingly expressed through discursive strategies that construct moral and symbolic boundaries between “us” and “them”. Among these strategies, othering is particularly important because it portrays sociopolitical groups as fundamentally different, inferior, or threatening. However, despite...
D. Kansaon, Fabrício Benevenuto, Diana Maynard· Proceedings of the 37th ACM...· 0 citations
Hostile rhetoric toward social groups can normalize exclusion and justify mistreatment, as well as contribute to rising polarization and political violence. Efforts to moderate hostile rhetoric in online speech draw on foundational theories in social and moral psychology, and political science. However, these theories...
Patrick Gérard, Julia Mendelsohn, Kristina Lerman· 0 citations
Fringe online message boards are often studied in the context of the extreme ideology that they produce. So far, however, not much of this research has focused on direct real-world harm in the all-too-common form of collective harassment. We directly analyze the complex dynamics of KiwiFarms, an online message board de...
This work argues that the harms commonly attributed to social media arise not from technologies supporting social connection but from their implementation within the attention economy, and proposes an architecture that does, making the attention economy not just discouraged but structurally impossible.
Luca Benn, M. Merz, D. Grüning· 0 citations
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