A central question in language acquisition is whether linguistic biases can emerge from general learning mechanisms operating over underdetermined input. Artificial Language Learning (ALL) studies have shown that human learners reliably generalize beyond the evidence provided, including by preferring scope-homomorphic noun phrase modifier orders. In this work, we investigate whether language models exhibit the same bias under similar conditions. We create a controlled learning environment in which models are trained on a corpus where all noun phrases containing multiple modifiers have been removed, eliminating direct evidence about modifier ordering, and are then evaluated on multiple modifier sentences. Across three model sizes, we find that they consistently prefer scope-homomorphic orders despite never observing them during training. These preferences vary in strength by modifier type. To investigate the source of these preferences, we examine noun-modifier association strength using pointwise mutual information (PMI). While PMI reflects known modifier-ordering patterns, it does not explain the models'ordering preferences. These findings demonstrate that LMs can recover human-like linguistic generalizations from impoverished input and provide a controlled framework for investigating the mechanisms underlying such biases.
Coordination, a fundamental linguistic structure, remains a subject of intense debate, and its exact nature continues to elude theoretical linguistics. A common view holds that only same-category constituents can be conjoined, which has been challenged by the many grammatical unlike coordinations found in natural language. Treating language models as a computational testbed, we investigate whether the acquisition of unlike coordination requires direct exposure in the training data, or whether it can emerge organically from general compositional abilities. Using Filtered-Corpus Training (FiCT), we train GPT-2 models on corpora from which all instances of unlike coordination have been removed. We find that direct exposure is not necessary: models trained on filtered data successfully generalize to unlike coordination, achieving perplexity and grammaticality judgments comparable to models trained on unfiltered text. Furthermore, our analyses of internal representations indicate that language models process unlike coordination by treating the conjoined elements as belonging to similar structural categories or through a mechanism akin to deletion, both of which appear learnable from exposure to alike coordination alone. This work contributes to the growing understanding of how language models internally represent linguistic structures, while also adding to the broader debate on coordination by showing how models generalize and process unlike coordination without direct exposure.