These findings demonstrate that LMs can recover human-like linguistic generalizations from impoverished input and provide a controlled framework for investigating the mechanisms underlying such biases.
Abstract
A central question in language acquisition is whether linguistic biases can emerge from general learning mechanisms operating over underdetermined input. Artificial Language Learning (ALL) studies have shown that human learners reliably generalize beyond the evidence provided, including by preferring scope-homomorphic noun phrase modifier orders. In this work, we investigate whether language models exhibit the same bias under similar conditions. We create a controlled learning environment in which models are trained on a corpus where all noun phrases containing multiple modifiers have been removed, eliminating direct evidence about modifier ordering, and are then evaluated on multiple modifier sentences. Across three model sizes, we find that they consistently prefer scope-homomorphic orders despite never observing them during training. These preferences vary in strength by modifier type. To investigate the source of these preferences, we examine noun-modifier association strength using pointwise mutual information (PMI). While PMI reflects known modifier-ordering patterns, it does not explain the models'ordering preferences. These findings demonstrate that LMs can recover human-like linguistic generalizations from impoverished input and provide a controlled framework for investigating the mechanisms underlying such biases.
Analysis of internal representations indicate that language models process unlike coordination by treating the conjoined elements as belonging to similar structural categories or through a mechanism akin to deletion, both of which appear learnable from exposure to alike coordination alone.
The central contributions of this paper articulate the conditions under which distributional predictability threatens the internal validity of an experiment and provide concrete recommendations for how to control for this potential confound.
Sean Trott, James A. Michaelov, Cameron R. Jones et al.· Open Mind· 0 citations
Language models learn about grammatical number primarily from co-occurrence, and show frequency effects as a result---sometimes taken to indicate that they do not learn abstract ``rules'', and are instead dependent on specific lexical items. Testing generalization with text stimuli alone cannot settle this debate, sinc...
The results provide evidence that grammaticality is robustly encoded in sentence representations of a wide range of pretrained NLMs, yielding clear representational separation on the dimension of grammaticality that cannot be fully explained by alternative sentence-level factors.
Abstract Language models (LMs) are commonly criticized for not “understanding” language. However, many critiques focus on cognitive abilities that, in humans, are distinct from language processing. Here, we instead study a kind of understanding tightly linked to language: inferring “who did what to whom” (thematic role...
Joseph M. Denning, Xiaohan Guo, Bryor Snefjella et al.· Annual Meeting of the Cognit...· 1 citation
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