Jun 2026· European Journal of Social Science Education and Research· Vol 13, pp. 45-63· 0 citations· 40 references
Abstract
The article examines the 2013–2014 Revolution of Dignity as a defining historical event that transformed Ukraine by influencing its political evolution, national self-definition, and European integration trajectory. It is considered a pivotal stage in the country’s democratic development and geopolitical reorientation. The study aims to analyze the causes, driving forces, and consequences of the Revolution of Dignity, as well as to determine its role in reshaping Ukraine’s domestic and international positioning. The research design integrates historical-comparative analysis, evaluation of official documents, online data collection, and a review of Ukrainian and foreign academic literature. This comprehensive approach makes it possible to trace continuity between earlier civic movements—such as the Revolution on Granite and the Orange Revolution—and the Revolution of Dignity as successive phases of democratic transformation. The findings demonstrate that although the refusal to sign the EU Association Agreement triggered the protests, their deeper causes lay in systemic corruption, authoritarian governance, and the concentration of power. The Revolution revitalized civil society, accelerated Ukraine’s movement toward European integration, and marked a decisive break with Soviet imperial legacies. The article also examines the educational dimension of the Revolution of Dignity, in particular its impact on the development of civic education, the political socialization of youth, and the teaching of modern Ukrainian history.The Revolution of Dignity was not merely a domestic protest movement but also a geopolitical turning point that redefined Ukraine’s role in Europe, intensified decommunization processes, strengthened national identity, and affirmed the European course as a safeguard of sovereignty.
The aim of this article is to examine the evolution of educational discourse in Iran from the Constitutional Revolution to the end of Reza Shah Pahlavi’s reign (1906–1941). The central question is why and how education, during this period, was transformed from a “project of national salvation” with a social and citizen-centered character into an instrument of “authoritarian modernization” and centralized state-building. Using a historical-analytical method and focusing on the discourse of the press, educational documents, and the memoirs of political elites, the article explores this dual process. Drawing on primary sources, including the press of the Constitutional era, memoirs of statesmen, and educational documents, as well as a theoretical framework based on reform from above and directive reformism, the study shows that during the Constitutional period, education was regarded as a prerequisite for legalism and nation-building, a social ideal, and a popular demand. However, during the Reza Shah period, with the establishment of the first Pahlavi monarchy (1925–1941), this discourse underwent a fundamental transformation. Reza Shah’s powerful and centralized state implemented the Constitutional ideal of universal education through the Compulsory Education Law, standardized curricula, and institutions such as the University of Tehran and teacher-training colleges. Yet this realization came at a heavy cost. During the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi, the same ideal, under the logic of a centralized and ideological state, led to compulsory education, a uniform curriculum, and ancient-oriented nationalism. The findings indicate that although educational modernization during this period achieved significant structural and quantitative accomplishments, its top-down and non-participatory nature caused it to fail in fostering critical consciousness, educational justice, and sustainable social acceptance. The article concludes that the dual legacy of this transition—success in constructing modern institutional forms versus failure in democratic educational content—cast a long shadow over Iran’s educational system for decades.
Zahra Soleymani, Javad Sakha, Masoud Mohammadi et al.· Journal of Historical Resear...· 0 citations
This study aims to analyze the relevance of Jacques Attali’s concept of devenir soi (becoming oneself) in responding to global social transformations during the 2015–2025 period. This inquiry is important because the last decade has been marked by interconnected crises, including the COVID-19 pandemic, geopolitical conflicts, climate change, and the rise of digital alienation that has influenced individual processes of self-formation. The study employs a qualitative approach using a critical philosophical inquiry design and a critical literature review method. The data consist of Jacques Attali’s works, literature on Buddhist philosophy, and contemporary studies on polycrisis and social media. The findings indicate that the challenge of becoming oneself in 2025 is significantly more complex than it was in 2015. These challenges emerge in two primary dimensions: external obstacles in the form of pandemics, geopolitical conflicts, and climate change that generate various forms of structural alienation, and internal obstacles in the form of digital identity performativity, technological addiction, attention fragmentation, and dependence on external validation. The study further finds that key Buddhist principles, particularly pratītyasamutpāda (interdependence), karuṇā (compassion), and anātman (non-self), provide relevant ethical and psychological frameworks for responding to these forms of alienation. The implications of this study suggest that self-realization in the age of polycrisis requires relational awareness, ethical responsibility, and reflective capacity rather than individual freedom alone. The originality of this study lies in its critical reinterpretation of devenir soi through a synthesis of Jacques Attali’s thought and Buddhist philosophy to explain self-realization in the context of contemporary polycrisis and digital alienation
M. Pilkington· SMARATUNGGA JURNAL OF EDUCAT...· 0 citations
This study examines the evolving role of nationalism in shaping modernity and proposes a reconstructed Triaxial Theory of National Identity (TTNI) through the lens of Islamic education to address the challenges of the global digital era. The research aims to develop a comprehensive conceptual framework that explains how cultural-historical continuity, civic-democratic values, and digital-network dynamics interact in constructing adaptive national identity while integrating Islamic educational principles. This study employed a qualitative library research approach by systematically reviewing classical and contemporary literature on nationalism, digital society, citizenship education, and Islamic educational philosophy. Data were analyzed using qualitative content analysis, thematic analysis, and comparative conceptual synthesis to identify theoretical convergences, research gaps, and interdisciplinary relationships. The findings reveal that contemporary nationalism can no longer be adequately understood through single-dimensional approaches emphasizing ethnicity, territory, or civic institutions alone. Instead, sustainable national identity emerges from the dynamic interaction among the Cultural-Historical Axis, Civic-Democratic Axis, and Digital-Network Axis, mediated by Islamic educational values such as maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah, ukhuwah waṭaniyyah, wasatiyyah, and ethical digital citizenship. Islamic education plays a strategic role in fostering historical awareness, democratic participation, critical digital literacy, and moral responsibility necessary for strengthening adaptive nationalism in digitally interconnected societies. The novelty of this study lies in reconstructing the Triaxial Theory of National Identity by positioning Islamic education as the ethical and pedagogical mediator that integrates cultural identity, democratic citizenship, and digital literacy into a holistic framework for developing adaptive, inclusive, and ethically grounded nationalism in the era of artificial intelligence and global digital transformation.
Suriyadi Suriyadi, Fathorrahman Fathorrahman· AL GHAZALI: Jurnal Pendidika...· 1 citation
It is proven that a child’s "digital co-presence" with peers in Ukraine acts as an intergenerational buffer, significantly reducing maternal guilt complexes and adaptation stress, and a two-level model of constructing a "New Self" is conceptualized.
Tetyana Poverlyak, Liudmyla Lahuta· Metaverse Science, Society a...· 0 citations
In the context of contemporary global challenges and internal transformations, the symbolic dimensions of politics are gaining increasing importance for social consolidation and the legitimation of political power. This study provides a comprehensive analysis of the mechanisms and actors of symbolic politics in the Republic of Azerbaijan, aimed at constructing national identity and shaping historical memory. The theoretical and methodological framework of the research is based on classical and contemporary concepts of political symbolism developed in the works of M. Edelman, A. F. Losev, Yu. M. Lotman, R. Cobb, and C. Elder, as well as scholars such as O. Yu. Malinova and A. V. Babaytsev. In this article, a political symbol is defined as a complex and multidimensional phenomenon that exerts a significant influence on the emotional and value-oriented sphere and functions as a mediator between the individual and socio-political reality. The empirical basis of the study relies on a mixed-method approach combining quantitative and qualitative research strategies. The results demonstrate a high degree of personalization within Azerbaijan’s political space. Qualitative analysis reveals the predominance of civic identity (“citizen of Azerbaijan”) over ethnic, religious, and territorial forms of identification, which indicates the effectiveness of state policy in the field of nation-building. Based on the empirical findings, the article proposes a three-level model of actors involved in symbolic politics: (1) political and intellectual elites who define the main interpretative frameworks of reality; (2) professionals in the fields of culture, media, and education who act as intermediaries and co-creators of symbols; and (3) social audiences who not only consume but actively reinterpret the proposed symbolic constructs. The study concludes that symbolic politics in Azerbaijan represents a dynamic and multifaceted process that successfully combines references to historical heritage with projections onto contemporary realities. The formation of a stable civic identity and the emphasis on the image of the people as a central symbolic element enable the country to respond effectively to the challenges of globalization, ensuring internal stability and the continuity of national development.
E. Kudryashova· South-Russian Journal of Soc...· 0 citations
This study examines the subject of Italian nationalism and national identity by focusing on the intellectual and political model of Giuseppe Mazzini �1805–1872�, the spiritual father of the Italian Risorgimento in the nineteenth century� Mazzini is the figure who transformed the dream of Italian unity from a mere romantic idea into a comprehensive revolutionary project� The study explores how Mazzini articulated the concept of national identity within a historical context characterized by political fragmentation and foreign domination, and how he managed to transform nationalism from a mere geographical or ethnic bond into a moral doctrine and a humanitarian mission� In its theoretical framework, the study reviews the evolution of the concept of European nationalism between two currents: the political-contractual and the cultural-romantic, demonstrating how Mazzini integrated them to create a unique model that combines popular sovereignty with national spirituality� It traces Mazzini’s historical trajectory, starting from his critique of the Carbonari experience, to his founding of the Young Italy Movement, which relied on mass mobilization and the political education of the youth under the slogan "God and the People�" Furthermore, the study analyzes the three pillars of Mazzinian identity: centralized unity through the rejection of federalism, republicanism through the rejection of the monarchy, and universalism through the concept of the Third Rome and the brotherhood of nations� It discusses the historical paradox represented by the political and military success of the unification project in 1861 at the hands of royalists and realists, alongside Mazzini's ideological failure to implement the republican model for which he struggled� The study concludes that Mazzini, despite his immediate political failure to establish a republic, succeeded in emotionally forging the concept of the Italian nation� He established a model of emancipatory nationalism that inspired global liberation movements in the twentieth century, affirming that for him, national identity was not an end in itself, but rather a means for human liberation and a contribution to human civilization, founded upon the spirit and power of the youth�