We study majority correctness when voting is preceded by sustained social interaction on a social network. Motivated by the Condorcet Jury Theorem, we consider a binary choice with an objectively correct alternative, where uninformed voters revise their vote intentions through repeated interaction in the presence of competing committed leaders (zealots). In this zealot--contrarian voter model, voters may either imitate or oppose the views they encounter. For fully mixed electorates, we characterize the long-run distribution of votes and the correlation structure induced among voters, and we show that Erd\H{o}s--R\'enyi networks exhibit the same majority-correctness behavior after an appropriate rescaling of leader influence. Building on these results, we establish a finite-electorate Condorcet-type guarantee: when post-deliberation individual correctness exceeds random choice, a strict majority is more likely to select the correct alternative than a randomly chosen voter. At the same time, we identify an aggregation failure: social interaction can reduce majority accuracy relative to a no-deliberation benchmark in which voters respond only to zealots. As the electorate size tends to infinity, this finite-electorate advantage disappears unless social updating is purely conformist, revealing a tipping point at full conformity: any persistent contrarian updating drives both individual and majority correctness to the random choice level of one half. Simulations on scale-free, ring, and small-world networks further show that topology matters because it shapes the vote correlations generated by social influence: hub-dominated structures generate stronger positive correlations and lower majority accuracy, whereas spatially structured networks generate weaker correlations, preserve a larger effective number of independent judgments, and improve majority accuracy.
Voters in multiparty systems often fail to coordinate on majority-preferred parties. Using constituency-level election data linked to party-ideology measures across 96 countries, we show that in 20–30% of multiparty elections since 1940 the Condorcet winner does not win, and in roughly 10% the winner is the Condorcet l...
F. Capozza, Ruben Durante, S. George· CESifo working papers· 0 citations
Online communities often treat large support margins in public elections as strong mandates. We argue that such margins can overstate the independent scrutiny behind a decision. Using 198,275 free-text rationales from Wikipedia admin elections, we introduce vote-text divergence, a measure that flags a decisive vote pai...
Liquid democracy permits voters to vote directly or delegate their votes to others. Existing algorithmic analyses assign each voter a single scalar parameter, interpreted as an independent probability of voting for the ground truth. This representation is inadequate when delegation is fixed before public information ch...
Seth Gilbert, Stefan Schmid, Santiago Schnell et al.· 0 citations
This work establishes correspondences between social choice theory and network science by deriving preference rankings from network relations, and adapting single- and multiwinner voting rules to identify the most central nodes in networks.
Christian Laußmann, Katharina Volz, U. Brandes et al.· Computational and mathematic...· 0 citations
Confidence in the conduct and results of American elections has declined and polarized along party lines in recent years. Can a nonpartisan public information campaign featuring election officials enhance trust in elections when delivered to skeptical voters during a contentious political contest? We analyze a preregis...
Thad Kousser, Seth J. Hill, Neil Malhotra et al.· Science Advances· 0 citations
A class of approval-based preference profiles, inspired by delegation graphs in liquid democracy and the transitivity of trust therein, are introduced, showing promise for applications to real-world peer selection problems via transitive delegations.
Davide Grossi, Grzegorz Lisowski, Georgios Papasotiropoulos· 1 citation
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